Dirck van Baburen

Prometheus Chained by Vulcan

1623

Inscriptions

  • signature and date, lower right:T.D. Baburen fecit / Anº 1623
  • signature and date, lower left, on a rock:Teodoor de / Babuer / fecit Anº 1623

Technical notes

The original plain-weave canvas support has been lined. Cusping is not visible and the tacking edges have been removed. The ground layer is brown in colour. The paint layers were applied thickly and fluidly. The entire painting is vigorously brushmarked, and the reserves are visible, for example at Vulcan’s left foot.


Scientific examination and reports

  • technical report: M. van de Laar, RMA, 19 september 2002

Condition

Good.


Conservation

  • conservator unknown, 1894: canvas lined
  • E. Bosshard, 1972 - 1973: complete restoration; overpaint in the lower left corner removed, revealing a rock approximately 20 cm long, and a second signature and date

Provenance

...; ? sale, Isaak van den Blooken (1653-1706), Amsterdam, 11 May 1707 (‘Prometheus gebonden (levensgroote) konstig en heerlyk geschildert, van Theodorus Barbure. 20-0’);1Hoet I, 1752, p. 99, no. 15....; ? sale, Joan de Vries (†) (Amsterdam), The Hague (N. van Wouw), 13 October 1738, as Honthorst (‘Prometheus met Mercurius en Vulcaen, levens groote’);...; sale, Hugo Franz Karl (1701-79), Graf von und zu Eltz, Mainz (auction house not known), 17 May 1785, no. 717 (‘Ein poetisches Stück bezeichnet T.D. Baburen 1623’), 8.30 guilders, to Winterstein;...; collection Scholl, Mainz, 1820;2Kunstblatt, 1820, I, p. 376....; donated to the museum by Dr J. von Loehr, German consul in Cairo, 1893;3RANH, ARS, IS, inv. 173, no. 187 (11 December 1893); RANH, ARS, IS, inv. 173, no. 195 (22 December 1893); RANH, ARS, Kop, inv. 290, p. 94, no. 1162 (29 December 1893); RANH, ARS, Kop, inv. 290, pp. 94-95, no. 1163 (30 December 1893). on loan to the Centraal Museum, Utrecht, 1924-42

ObjectNumber: SK-A-1606

Credit line: Gift of J. von Loehr, Caïro


The artist

Biography

Dirck van Baburen (? Wijk bij Duurstede 1594/95 - Utrecht 1624)

Dirck Jaspersz van Baburen was most likely born in Wijk bij Duurstede in 1594 or 1595. His father, Jasper Petersz van Baburen, had served the Lady of Vianen as page-boy and later worked as a tax collector. Dirck van Baburen is recorded as an apprentice to Paulus Moreelse in 1611. He is thought to have travelled to Italy shortly thereafter. The first record of his presence there is a lost Martyrdom of St Sebastian in the Chiesa dei Servi in Parma, which bore the date 1615 on the reverse. In Rome, both Cardinal Scipione Borghese and the Marchese Vincenzo Giustiniani owned paintings by him. Together with David de Haen, Van Baburen received the important commission to decorate the Pietà Chapel of San Pietro in Montorio. One of the four canvases that make up this decoration, Van Baburen’s Entombment,4Illustrated in Slatkes 1965, fig. 1. is unmistakably indebted to Caravaggio’s painting of this subject executed for the Chiesa Nuova.5Rome, Vatican Gallery. Manfredi as well as Caravaggio were Van Baburen’s principal influences. He very probably returned to Utrecht in 1620 or 1621, where he seems to have shared a studio with Hendrick ter Brugghen. In addition to biblical scenes, he executed mythological and genre paintings. His 1621 Youth Playing a Small Whistle6Utrecht, Centraal Museum; illustrated in San Francisco etc. 1997, p. 243, no. 37. was probably the earliest depiction of a half-length, single-figure musician in the northern Netherlands. Van Baburen was also the first artist to depict the Dutch pastoral subject, Granida and Daifilo.71623; New York, private collection; illustrated in Utrecht-Frankfurt 1993, p. 88, no. 4. His short life came to an end, possibly as the result of the plague, only a few years after his return to Utrecht. He was buried in the city’s Buurkerk on 12 February 1624.

Jonathan Bikker, 2007

References
De Bie 1661, p. 155; Von Sandrart 1675 (1925), p. 186; Slatkes 1965, pp. 1-13; Bok in Utrecht-Braunschweig 1986, pp. 173-75; Morselli in Saur VI, 1992, pp. 109-11; Bok in San Francisco etc. 1997, p. 374


Entry

Rubens’s famous painting of the Prometheus myth in Sir Dudley Carleton’s collection in The Hague between 1618 and 1625 was a likely inspiration for Van Baburen’s depiction (fig. a).8Slatkes 1965, pp. 79-80. As in Rubens’s painting, Van Baburen’s Prometheus is a heroic nude shown in dramatic foreshortening, and the extreme ‘Baroque’ violence in both works is equal. However, the dramatis personae, action and setting in the present picture are very different from Rubens’s painting, the iconography of which is straightforward. It follows the earliest account of the myth, that of the ancient Greek writer Hesiod, in which Jupiter punishes Prometheus for giving mankind the use of fire by chaining him to a rock in the Caucasus mountains. There, an eagle daily pecks out his everregenerating liver.9Hesiod, Theogony, 521-27; for an overview of the Prometheus myth and its interpretations in art see Raggio 1958.

Some scholarly interpretations of the Rijksmuseum painting have used either a hypothetical commission or contemporary cultural events to explain Van Baburen’s more elaborate iconography, often isolating one element in the painting as the clavis interpretandi.10Spicer in San Francisco etc. 1997, pp. 291-92, for example, unconvincingly hypothesises that the ‘preeminent position of Vulcan’ was due to the painting being commissioned by smiths. The unusual elements in Van Baburen’s painting can perhaps be better explained with reference to the classical versions of the myth that the artist or his adviser could have consulted, especially those of two later ancient Greek writers, Aeschylus and Lucian of Samosata. The only two classical sources to include both Vulcan, shown chaining Prometheus in Van Baburen’s painting, and Mercury, who observes the scene with evident glee, are Aeschylus’ play Prometheus Bound and a satirical dialogue by Lucian. It is only in the latter work that both figures appear together at the same time. Lucian’s dialogue is a spoof of the highly serious versions of the myth written by earlier classical writers, using what his modern biographer, Robinson has called the ‘burlesque potential of humanizing the gods’.11Robinson 1979, p. 21. Lucian’s Prometheus, who tries to evade punishment with sophistic arguments and pathetic pleading, is quite the opposite of the dignified Prometheus in Aeschylus’ play, where he steadfastly remains silent. Van Baburen’s portrayal of Prometheus as a howling, red-nosed oaf makes a striking contrast with Rubens’s noble figure, and was probably inspired by Lucian’s farce. As in Lucian’s dialogue, Van Baburen’s Mercury laughs impudently at Prometheus’s plight.12Hecht 1981, p. 188, note 14, has suggested that Van Baburen’s painting might have a similar allegorical meaning to the one Dempsey has attributed to Jordaens’s treatment of the Prometheus theme from around 1640; Cologne, Wallraf-Richartz-Museum, illustrated in Antwerp 1993, p. 185. The present author regards Lucian’s Prometheus dialogue as Jordaens’s source, and rejects Dempsey’s hypothesis that the painting is a satire on Horace’s formula, ut pictura poesis. See Dempsey 1967; Bikker 2004.

While Lucian’s dialogue may well have been Van Baburen’s source for his inclusion of Vulcan and Mercury, and the comic treatment of the scene, other elements in the painting would not have been derived from it. In Lucian’s satire, Prometheus is punished for committing three offences against Jupiter: cheating him into accepting ox bones and fat as a sacrificial offering, creating human beings and stealing fire for them. The painting does not include props alluding to these offences, but rather a still life composed of a protractor, compasses and books in the lower right corner. These paraphernalia are probably a reference to the various types of knowledge – astronomy, mathematics, writing, medicine and much more – that Prometheus gave man in addition to the physical fire in Aeschylus’ version of the myth.13Janzen’s claim that these attributes refer solely to Prometheus’ role as astronomer, and that by including them Van Baburen wished to comment on the Catholic church’s persecution of Galileo in Rome, seems rather speculative. See Janzen 1987, p. 154.

A truly unique element in the present painting is its setting in Hades. Not only is Van Baburen the only artist to use this setting, all of the classical versions of the myth situate Prometheus’ chaining and torture in the Caucasus mountains.14Some classical authors, such as Arrian (Anabasis of Alexander, V, 3, 2) and Philostratus (Life of Apollonius, II, 3), relate that it took place in a cave in the Caucasus. The only reference to Hades in the classical sources is made in Aeschylus’ play, towards the end of which Prometheus reveals that he has a secret, which involves the demise of Jupiter. Mercury tries in vain to persuade Prometheus to reveal his secret, and tells him what Jupiter’s punishment will be if he does not: Prometheus (who is chained in the Caucasus during the entire play) will be cast into Tartarus (Hades) and after a long time will return into the light, where the eagle will come to feast on his liver. Although it seems unlikely that this passage would have prompted Van Baburen, or his adviser, to choose Hades as the setting for his painting, it is significant that Natalis Comes, in his widely consulted handbook on mythology, relates that Tartarus is the location of Prometheus’ chaining in Aeschylus’ play.15Comes 1627, bk. III, ch. XII, p. 215.

Another possibility is that Van Baburen conflated the Prometheus myth with that of Tityus, another Titan who suffered a very similar punishment, the only differences being that Tityus’ liver was fed upon by a vulture at the mouth of Hades. Two figures, one stretching his arms out, the other tied to a wheel, are visible in the fires of hell in the background of Van Baburen’s painting. Spicer has suggested that the latter figure could be the Titan Ixion, who was eternally tied to a revolving wheel in hell.16Spicer in San Francisco etc. 1997, p. 291. Ixion, and his punishment in Tartarus, are usually related to Tityus. Similarly, it is tempting to recognize another mythological protagonist related to Tityus in the figure with outstretched arms. Jupiter punished Tantalus in Hades by moving water and food out of his reach whenever he tried to satisfy his thirst and hunger. These two mythological protagonists might have been included not only because of the possible conflation of Prometheus and Tityus; while Prometheus had stolen fire and knowledge from Jupiter, Tantalus stole food from him, and Ixion his wife.

A number of scholars have identified the setting of the present painting as both Hades and Vulcan’s forge.17Brown in Washington etc. 1980, p. 112; Janzen 1987, p. 154; Spicer in San Francisco etc. 1997, pp. 291, 292. However, none of the classical sources locate Prometheus’ chaining and punishment in Vulcan’s forge, nor is Vulcan’s forge located in Hades. There is, moreover, no indication in the painting itself that that is the setting.

Although Van Baburen’s treatment of the theme shares with Rubens’s painting the extremely foreshortened Prometheus, his protagonist is not a copy of the Flemish artist’s figure. Garas has suggested that Van Baburen closely followed a now lost composition with Tityus by Manfredi.18Garas 1980, p. 275. Manfredi’s painting was described by Joachim von Sandrart as representing a foreshortened Tityus chained to the floor of Hades being freed by Hercules. While in the absence of the actual painting by Manfredi it cannot be determined to what degree Van Baburen was influenced by it, Garas’s conclusion that the Rijksmuseum picture must also represent Tityus and not Prometheus can be rejected, as Mercury does not figure in the Tityus myth.19Garas 1980, p. 275; see further Spicer in San Francisco etc. 1997, p. 293.

Three other sources for the foreshortened figure of Prometheus have been proposed in the literature. According to Slatkes, the figure of both Prometheus and Vulcan show knowledge of a print by Simon Frisius in Pierium Winsemius’s Chronique ofte Historische geschiedenisse van Vrieslant, published one year prior to Van Baburen’s painting.20Slatkes 1965, p. 125. However, the similarities with Frisius’s print, which are actually not that great, are probably coincidental. Both Brown and Manuth have proposed Cornelis Cort’s 1566 engraving21Hollstein V, 1951, p. 56, no. 192. after Titian’s painting of Tityus, which had also been used by Rubens, as Van Baburen’s source for Prometheus’ pose.22Brown in Washington etc. 1980, p. 110; Manuth 1990, p. 186. While it cannot be denied that these poses are similar, Van Baburen’s Prometheus repeats a pose that the Dutch artist had already employed earlier for the figure of Malchus in his Arrest of Christ, executed around 1615 according to Slatkes.23Fondazione di Studi di Storia dell’Arte Roberto Longhi, Florence; Slatkes 1965, p. 101, no. A1, fig. 9; see Brown in Washington etc. 1980, p. 112. The figures of Malchus and St Peter were in turn derived from Caravaggio’s Martyrdom of St Matthew,24Rome, S. Luigi dei Francesi. undoubtedly with Caravaggio’s Conversion of St Paul25Rome, Sta. Maria del Popolo. in mind when it came to placing the foreshortened figure close to the picture plane.26As Von Schneider 1933, p. 42, was the first to point out.

Slatkes has argued that Van Baburen’s now lost Adam and Eve (Lamenting the Death of Abel ?), also listed in the 1707 Van den Blooken sale catalogue, formed an iconographic pair with the present painting.27Slatkes 1965, pp. 80-81, 125. He further suggested that an Apollo and Marsyas by Van Baburen,28Fürst Schaumburg-Lippe, Schloss Bückeburg, Germany, 192 x 160 cm; illustrated in Schleier 1972, fig. 67. which was only ‘rediscovered’ after the publication of his monograph, was also part of this iconographic program representing ‘personages who had defied the gods, or in the case of Adam and Eve, God, and were punished for their trespasses’.29Slatkes 1965, p. 81. While the Apollo and Marsyas was not listed in the Van den Blooken sale, the composition is much too similar to that of the Prometheus for the two paintings to have been meant as companion pieces.30As pointed out by Spicer in San Francisco etc. 1997, p. 292. The dimensions of the Adam and Eve are not known, making it difficult to judge whether this work was conceived as a pendant to the Prometheus. At any rate, such a combination of a mythological and a biblical theme would have been unique, and Slatkes’s hypothesis is therefore not very likely.

Van Baburen’s Prometheus Chained by Vulcan is a much more elaborate version of the subject than Rubens’s painting now in Philadelphia. The artist or his advisers may have derived the three central figures and the comic tone from Lucian’s satiric dialogue. The still life of protractor, compasses and books may have been suggested by Aeschylus’ play. By situating the scene in Hades, Van Baburen not only departed from the pictorial tradition but from the classical literature treating the story. He may have chosen this setting based on the description in Comes’s 16th-century handbook, or he may have wished to include the figures of Ixion and Tantalus, who suffered similar gruesome punishments for deceiving Jupiter. Although he probably did not derive his figure of Prometheus from the same source as Rubens, as some scholars have claimed, Van Baburen was probably competing with the example of Rubens’s painting with this iconographically more complex telling of the story.

Jonathan Bikker, 2007

See Bibliography and Rijksmuseum painting catalogues
See Key to abbreviations and Acknowledgements

This entry was published in J. Bikker (ed.), Dutch Paintings of the Seventeenth Century in the Rijksmuseum Amsterdam, I: Artists Born between 1570 and 1600, coll. cat. Amsterdam 2007, no. 14.


Literature

Slatkes 1965, pp. 79-81, 124-25, no. A21; Spicer in San Francisco etc. 1997, pp. 289-93, no. 52, with selected earlier literature


Collection catalogues

1903, p. 35, no. 393; 1976, p. 92, no. A 1606; 1992, p. 40, no. A 1606; 2007, no. 14


Citation

J. Bikker, 2007, 'Dirck van Baburen, Prometheus Chained by Vulcan, 1623', in J. Bikker (ed.), Dutch Paintings of the Seventeenth Century in the Rijksmuseum, online coll. cat. Amsterdam: hdl.handle.net/10934/RM0001.COLLECT.5855

(accessed 24 April 2025 03:01:04).

Figures

  • fig. a Peter Paul Rubens, Prometheus, c. 1611-12. Oil on canvas, 242.6 x 209.5 cm. Philadelphia Museum of Art, W.P. Wilstach Collection, inv. no. W50-3-1. Photo: Graydon Wood


Footnotes

  • 1Hoet I, 1752, p. 99, no. 15.
  • 2Kunstblatt, 1820, I, p. 376.
  • 3RANH, ARS, IS, inv. 173, no. 187 (11 December 1893); RANH, ARS, IS, inv. 173, no. 195 (22 December 1893); RANH, ARS, Kop, inv. 290, p. 94, no. 1162 (29 December 1893); RANH, ARS, Kop, inv. 290, pp. 94-95, no. 1163 (30 December 1893).
  • 4Illustrated in Slatkes 1965, fig. 1.
  • 5Rome, Vatican Gallery.
  • 6Utrecht, Centraal Museum; illustrated in San Francisco etc. 1997, p. 243, no. 37.
  • 71623; New York, private collection; illustrated in Utrecht-Frankfurt 1993, p. 88, no. 4.
  • 8Slatkes 1965, pp. 79-80.
  • 9Hesiod, Theogony, 521-27; for an overview of the Prometheus myth and its interpretations in art see Raggio 1958.
  • 10Spicer in San Francisco etc. 1997, pp. 291-92, for example, unconvincingly hypothesises that the ‘preeminent position of Vulcan’ was due to the painting being commissioned by smiths.
  • 11Robinson 1979, p. 21.
  • 12Hecht 1981, p. 188, note 14, has suggested that Van Baburen’s painting might have a similar allegorical meaning to the one Dempsey has attributed to Jordaens’s treatment of the Prometheus theme from around 1640; Cologne, Wallraf-Richartz-Museum, illustrated in Antwerp 1993, p. 185. The present author regards Lucian’s Prometheus dialogue as Jordaens’s source, and rejects Dempsey’s hypothesis that the painting is a satire on Horace’s formula, ut pictura poesis. See Dempsey 1967; Bikker 2004.
  • 13Janzen’s claim that these attributes refer solely to Prometheus’ role as astronomer, and that by including them Van Baburen wished to comment on the Catholic church’s persecution of Galileo in Rome, seems rather speculative. See Janzen 1987, p. 154.
  • 14Some classical authors, such as Arrian (Anabasis of Alexander, V, 3, 2) and Philostratus (Life of Apollonius, II, 3), relate that it took place in a cave in the Caucasus.
  • 15Comes 1627, bk. III, ch. XII, p. 215.
  • 16Spicer in San Francisco etc. 1997, p. 291.
  • 17Brown in Washington etc. 1980, p. 112; Janzen 1987, p. 154; Spicer in San Francisco etc. 1997, pp. 291, 292.
  • 18Garas 1980, p. 275.
  • 19Garas 1980, p. 275; see further Spicer in San Francisco etc. 1997, p. 293.
  • 20Slatkes 1965, p. 125.
  • 21Hollstein V, 1951, p. 56, no. 192.
  • 22Brown in Washington etc. 1980, p. 110; Manuth 1990, p. 186.
  • 23Fondazione di Studi di Storia dell’Arte Roberto Longhi, Florence; Slatkes 1965, p. 101, no. A1, fig. 9; see Brown in Washington etc. 1980, p. 112.
  • 24Rome, S. Luigi dei Francesi.
  • 25Rome, Sta. Maria del Popolo.
  • 26As Von Schneider 1933, p. 42, was the first to point out.
  • 27Slatkes 1965, pp. 80-81, 125.
  • 28Fürst Schaumburg-Lippe, Schloss Bückeburg, Germany, 192 x 160 cm; illustrated in Schleier 1972, fig. 67.
  • 29Slatkes 1965, p. 81.
  • 30As pointed out by Spicer in San Francisco etc. 1997, p. 292.